Organised by the International Institute for Muslim Unity in
collaboration with Muslim World Research Center Venue: Senate Hall, Level 5, Rectory
Building, IIUM Gombak on 13th March 2016
Speech by Dr. Syed Hamid Albar
Introduction
Let me begin by thanking the International Institute for
Muslim Unity in collaboration with Muslim World Research Centre for inviting me
to this roundtable to discuss a crisis affecting mankind, which I truly consider
timely especially when the tendency of forgetting and ignorance among the big
powers is high. In accordance to the request of the organizer, I am before you
this afternoon to fulfil my obligation, first as a Muslim and secondly as a human
being to share my thoughts on the crisis of our Rohingya brothers and sisters
in Myanmar.
The topic of discussion for
this afternoon is the ROHINGYA CRISIS:
CURRENT INITIATIVE OF OIC AND THE ROLE OF MUSLIM WORLD. My preference would
be not to refer to the Muslim world but rather the Muslim Ummah.
Let me begin by sharing
these simple questions which was reflected in the book entitled Prisoners
of Geography:
All lives and paradigms according to this book written by Tim Marshall (2015)
are determined by our colonialists. He asked the question about the Middle
East:
·
The middle of what?
·
East of where?
“Terminologies based on a
European view of the world and region that shaped it. The European used ink to
draw lines on maps: they were lines that did not exist in reality and created
some of the most artificial borders the world has seen. The border is simply a
high berm of sand. Move the sand and physically the border no longer exist.
This “line” exist in theory. An attempt is now being made to redraw them in
blood.” (Marshall, 2015)
According to the Chief of
the British Secret Intelligence Service (M16) Sir John Scarlett, “International
conflicts, civil wars can only be understood by taking full account of the
hopes, fears and preconceptions formed by history and how these in turn are
driven by the physical surroundings – geography in which individuals, societies
and countries have developed”.
Tim Marshall in his Prisoners
of Geography stated, “The land on which we live has always shaped us.
It has shaped the wars, the power, politics and social development of the
people that now inhabit nearly every part of the earth. The physical realities
that underpin the presence of mankind with various background, religion and
culture are too often disregarded due to ethno-nationalism and purist state
agenda.”
Myanmar is a good example in this context. The Rohingya
crisis is several decades old. The causes of the crisis range from political to
socio-economic disparity. There are many views and suggestions about managing
the crisis and even expressing dissatisfaction of not doing enough to save the
Rohingya, I must say it is a complex and crucial crisis that needs continuous
engagement and constructive work plan to find a lasting solution.
Conditions for Muslims have steadily declined in Myanmar,
with the Rohingya Muslims of Rakhine State facing the gravest threat of
elimination. In 2012, the country was rocked by the worst sectarian violence in
over 50 years, resulting in over 200 killed and 140,000 displaced, most of them
being the Rohingya. A 2015 study by the United States Holocaust Museum counted
19 early warning signs of genocide in Myanmar since the start of sectarian
violence. Another study by the International State Crime Initiative; Penny
Green of Queens University London concluded that the Rohingyas had already
passed the first four stages of genocide, including dehumanization and
segregation and are now on the verge of mass annihilation. Anti-Muslim
sentiment has grown so widespread that even Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San
Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) party declined to field a single
Muslim among their 1,100 candidates for the November 2015 elections.
In October 2016, on the justification of fighting against insurgencies, the
military had undertaken a sweeping operation that targeted the innocent civilian population
by violence, torture, rape and other judicial killings of even babies and
children.
The degree of the Rohingya crisis could be attributed to
various factors, ranging from political will and commitment, economic
disparities, ethno-religious nationalism, radicalism and lack of interfaith
understanding. Besides that, the role played by state and non-state actors
since 2012 has not really brought any tangible outcome. It is therefore,
sagacious to understand the root causes of the crisis, and the extended role of
the state and non-state actors in promoting peace and human security for the
most persecuted people in the world. On the surface, the state and non-state
actors may seem to have similar aspirations, goals and objectives but the
reality is nothing has been done to change the realities on the ground.
My submission to you is based on primary and secondary
sources. I have also taken into account written and verbal comments that had
been adduced from various victims and parties; in and outside Myanmar.
Before further discussing
the issue, allow me to quote from Dalai Lama which I find very relevant to this
religious-based operation. He said, “When
you practice gratefulness, there is a sense of respect towards others”. There
is definitely a total absence of this in Northern Rakhine of the crimes
committed by the extremist Buddhist group.
Another
related term would be tolerance, as stated by Gülen, who
said it is one of those words best defined by
its opposite, in this case, intolerance. Belligerence or extremism rejects
tolerance and dialogue, preferring the route of conflict. Tolerance seeks to
avoid hostilities. Tolerance would prevent, with or without concomitant
dialogue, the outbreak of hostilities. However, the common Anglophone
understanding of the term “toleration” does not imply a stretch to compassion.
In Gülen’s writings, tolerance is compassion and compassion is love. As a
negotiating strategy, by contrast, tolerance is put forward as a way to allow
potentially contending parties to avoid conflict without their having to go all
the way to embrace the “other”. To do that would require acknowledging the
presence of so much good in the other that one would lose face by seeming to
disown one’s oppressive stance.
According to Imam Al-Ghazali in his Duties of Brotherhood (Book XV, Part II), he spells out one of that sage’s most
straightforward and systematic prescriptions for interfacing with the “other”.
At the outset, Al-Ghazali expansively wraps all of humankind in the tolerant
embrace of Tawhīd, the oneness of God and all creation: Know that the world is one stage
of the stages of the journey to God Most High. All in this station are travellers.
Since the destination of journey of this caravan of travellers is the same,
they are all accepted as one. There must be friendship and unity amongst them and
mutual aid.
According to Dr. Alexender Berzin in his
article titled Buddhist view of other religion,
“Just as there are billions of people on this planet, there are also billions
of different dispositions and inclinations. From the Buddhist point of view, a
wide choice of religions is needed to suit the varied needs of different
people. Buddhism recognizes that all religions share the same aim of working
for the well-being of mankind”.
However, the rise of the Buddhist
nationalist movement is threatening the real teaching of all religions and the stability
of multicultural diversity in Myanmar. Buddhist radicalism is characterized by
a strong anti-Muslims stance and the rejection of the idea of a multicultural
identity. The radical movement, which started in 2011, is structured like a
real political network, under the name of ‘696’. Monks say the three
digits symbolize the virtues of the Buddha, Buddhist practices and the Buddhist
community. Although the movement claims to be pacifistic, it leads boycotts
against Muslim-owned businesses, with the goal of promoting the rise of a
richer Buddhist community. Since its founding in 2014, radical group such as Ma
Ba Tha has gained notoriety as a radical and nationalist Buddhist group whose
anti-Muslim activities have inflamed religious hatred across Myanmar. But no
politician or agency has denounced the racism and bigotry of such group. This
allowed radical extreme leaders to spread malicious information against Muslims.
To understand why the above deliberation
is important is because we must accept that the Rohingya crisis is no longer
political and economic in nature but very much ethno-religious nationalism. But
I will not deny the fact that the economic gap and systemic policy are used to
marginalise and suppress the Rohingya deliberately.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Are we ready to stand up for
our Ummah, especially for our
Rohingya brothers and sisters? This is the time to put our differences aside
and let Myanmar know that it has no rights to trample on the minorities,
especially the Rohingya. It is important for us to stand together as an Ummah and the let Myanmar know that we
will not accept extrajudicial killings, crime against humanity, violation of
human rights and genocide.
While we have patiently put
up with the bizarre plot, they crossed the line when they decided not to
respect the international law and instead choose to continue the national
agenda of wiping out the entire Rohingya ethnic identity and people from
Myanmar. The Myanmar Government also denies all allegations and states its
action is in accordance with the law. Every accusation deduced of atrocity is construed
as an exaggeration or fabrication.
I cannot accept such
fabricated statement denying their atrocities. And if this blatant violation of
human rights continues, there is high possibility of retaliation which
logically could invite counter- radicalism which will be more difficult to
manage for Myanmar. To put it bluntly, they are proceeding on a dangerous
agenda. Obviously, they will ultimately face serious consequences including war
and turmoil. Like most members of the international community, I find this
development very disturbing and insulting in respect for identity and human
dignity. All international calls are ignored and would fail due to PES
interest.
Distinguished guests,
Myanmar today as we are
aware has attracted both positive and negative attention. Firstly, positive;
because it is in the post-election period towards what is called as
transformation to democracy after a long treacherous period of governance under
a military junta. Negative attention, is due to its history of abuses and human
rights violation against ethnic minorities, especially the Rohingya. As I speak
now, we have a new narration of atrocities taking place in the northern Rakhine
State, which has drawn concern of the UN and other members of the international
community.
We are also receiving
reports of disproportionate use of force, tortures, rapes and killings of
civilian population in Maungdaw and three other districts in the Northern Rakhine.
This includes the burning of villages, homes and mosques since 2012. In
response to the allegation that the police stations have been attacked that
caused 9 policemen personnel being killed, Myanmar and its military contested
that they are justified in their actions due to the terrorist attacks. In
reality, at the other side of the coin, they are actually getting rid of the Muslim
population whom they consider as illegal Bengalis from Bangladesh coupled with their
desire to create a pure Buddhist state.
The former UN Chief, Kofi Annan and now the Chairman of
Independent Commission has expressed “deep concern over violence in Myanmar’s
Rakhine state, where the military killed 428 people which is plunging the state
into renewed instability and creating new displacements. He further added that
all communities must renounce violence and urged the security services to act
in full compliance with the rule of law.” (NST, 16 Nov 2016)
Elizabeth Trudeau, US State Department Spokeswoman in her
statement mentioned that the US is also “concerned by reports of a spike in
violence” in Rakhine and urged the Myanmar government to allow a credible and
independent investigation. (NST, 16 Nov 2016)
In the latest R2P Global Centre’s website, Gerath Evans said;
“Mass atrocities cannot be universally ignored and sovereignty is not a license
to kill.”
Rev. Desmond Tutu said this on the violence in Rakhine, “We
shall share a responsibility to do whatever we can to help prevent and protect
one another from such violence.”
Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is with trepidation, I want to understand the current
conflict to formulate our responsibility, when international law has been
breached and diplomacy has broken down. In this regard, let me also share with frustration,
the latest development at the Human Rights Council Meeting in Geneva where the
EU is not interested to support the call for an independent UN Commission to be
set up to investigate on what is happening in the Rakhine State.
Myanmar looks set
to escape an international investigation into alleged atrocities against
Rohingya, after EU decided to use existing mechanism at the UN Human Rights
Council. The UN Special Rapporteur on
Myanmar, Yang Hee Lee, backed by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid
Ra’ad al Hussein requested the UN to investigate allegation of gross human
rights violation by military and security forces in order to ensure full
accountability for perpetrators. However, the EU preferred using existing
mechanism with the so-called good cooperation and access from the Myanmar
Government, rather than a new approach and requested to give Myanmar more time
to exercise the domestic process. In this regard, I and my human rights activists
have voiced serious doubts about Myanmar’s real intentions. Several
investigation commissions set up by the Aung San Suu Kyi Government and its
security forces had not acted impartially as the parties involved in the
wrong–doing.
Today, this has become a global concern. OIC, Indonesia
and Malaysia and other members of International community have expressed their
worries on the issue of ethnic-cleansing or crime against humanity. Malaysia
called for an ASEAN Emergency Meeting but Myanmar did not agree. Ultimately,
Myanmar agreed to have a retreat in Yangon. This gave an opportunity for
Myanmar to explain their version of what is happening. The Foreign Minister of
Malaysia spoke of the allegations of ethnic cleansing and gross violations of
human rights of the Rohingya Community and the need for access to international
humanitarian organizations to have full access to the affected area.
Malaysia also called for an emergency meeting of the OIC
which was held on 19th January 2017. The meeting came out with a
statement for Myanmar security forces to cease forthwith the military
operations in Northern Rakhine. Forty one civil societies of Myanmar call for
the formation of an international independent council under the UN to
investigate the real situation in Rakhine. The meeting also called for the OIC
secretary general to lead a delegation to Myanmar.
Let me outline what,
why and how OIC first got involved
in Myanmar’s ethnic and religious conflict. After the October 2012 riots in
Sittwe, where many Rohingya Muslims were killed and 160,000 became displaced
persons.
For your information, the Organization which was
established in Rabat, Kingdom of Morocco on 25 September 1969 in response to
the criminal arson of Al-Aqsa Mosque in occupied Jerusalem. One of its
principle objectives is to contribute towards sustainable international peace
and security.
After the 2012 communal violence, the OIC being the
collective voice of the Muslim Ummah
is obliged to safeguard and protect the interests of Rohingya. The OIC believes
it can be the facilitator of reconciliation and peaceful coexistence between
the Buddhist and the Rohingya Muslim communities in Myanmar.
The SG of OIC, Ehsanoglu visited Rakhine and met the
President and other government leaders. They signed a Memorandum of
Understanding with the OIC to provide assistance as well as open an office in
Yangon. Unfortunately, the Myanmar Government reneged on this agreement. Iyad
Madani on assuming the position of SG looked for a new approach to engage
Myanmar to find a diplomatic solution to the crisis. That was how the position
of Special Envoy for Myanmar was created. In performing its responsibility to
address the Rohingya crisis, the OIC has to address four main challenges in
Myanmar. The four challenges are:
i.
Myanmar in transition –
politically and economically:
·
US, EU, China, India –
friends of Myanmar
·
Economic interest VS Human
rights norms and values
ii.
The current Government set
up:
·
25% military controls the
Parliament
·
All law and policies
amendments require military support
·
Key ministries controlled by
military
iii.
The existing discriminatory
laws and policies:
·
1982 citizenship law
·
No Muslim Representative in
Parliament
·
Discriminative registration
process
·
2015 Race and Religion
protection law
iv.
The rise of
ethno-nationalism:
·
The Ma Ba Tha radical group
·
Hate speeches
·
Supported by the Government
due to political sentiment
These challenges underpinned OIC’s responsibilities in
tackling the problems faced by the Rohingya community. The OIC recognised these
are complex challenges when it is underscored by human rights violations, the
loss of status of citizenship, discriminatory laws, and the remission of freedom
of the Rohingya community. For OIC, it is of paramount importance that these
issues are tackled and resolved in order to find a lasting and durable peace,
security and stability an inclusive democracy is to succeed in Myanmar.
I strongly believe, due to the complexity of the problem
that there are no quick fix answers or solution to these problems which brought
about the conflict in the first place. During my tenure as the SE, I have
furnished OIC with detailed continuous reports on my visits to Myanmar and the
Rakhine state. The solution would depend very much on the political will and
commitment of the Myanmar government and its military to practice true
democracy where there is inclusiveness, rule of law and justice for all its
citizens including minorities. The branding of Rohingya as illegal Bengalis and
not accepting them as an identity would not be just or correct approach to a
solution. Worst still, not giving them any space or freedom in Myanmar on top
of being excluded in the new political transformation to democracy is not the
answer to a peaceful, stable and democratic Myanmar.
Myanmar civilian political leaders cannot deny or dismiss
allegations against the security forces as fabrication or that the problems
don’t exist. The leadership of Myanmar must decide whether they are going to
lead or be led by the military that have bad track records of being just, fair
or moderate in their dealings with the innocent civilian population. Albeit so,
the government must not allow the extremist Buddhist monks to spread hate or violence
against minority Muslim population. In order to achieve a credible democratic
outcome, the Myanmar government must be able to remove the discriminatory laws
and policies as well as manage the ethno-religious nationalism which encourages
extremism and the dislike of others. This institutionalised discrimination and
atrocities would result in counter reaction and radicalism amongst the Rohingya
for their self-respect, dignity and survival. This is consistent with the
reports of the UN Special Rapporteur to Myanmar and UN High Commissioner for
Human Rights as well as Human Rights NGOs like Amnesty International, Fortify
Rights and Human Rights Watch.
Myanmar has insisted that the reports and findings are an
exaggeration. It is difficult to fathom Myanmar’s counter allegations against
ample evidence from the victims, satellite images and video clips. Even their
own selfie showed the true inhuman treatment of Rohingya children and men, by the
military and victims’ accounts of other than cases of rape and torture.
The former OIC SG, Iyad Madani is a man of moderation and
compassion felt disturbed on getting reports and receiving key witnesses’
accounts on what is happening. During his time, he has taken up these issues at
the highest level of the UN, EU, Myanmar leaders and Aung San Suu Kyi. He wrote
to countless leaders of OIC and ASEAN to assist to find a just solution to the
problem. He wrote to Kofi Annan when he was appointed Chairman of the Rakhine
Commission. The SG practised engagement and dialogue at every level of disengagements
in fulfilling his role as the SG. He expected the SE to also do the same in
finding reconciliation in Myanmar.
Ladies
and gentlemen,
OIC has expressed its alarm on the predicament of
Rohingya in facing human rights abuses since the outbreak of violence in 2012.
It has started its multilevel approach through open and quiet diplomacy to
address the issue and engage Myanmar constructively to find a lasting solution.
OIC believes that the on-going crisis and
problems in Myanmar cannot be ignored on the basis of sovereignty and
non-interference. There
are 5 main areas that OIC has focused its attention:
- Socio
political space and freedom
- Crime
against humanity / ethnic cleansing / genocide
- Migration
/ Human Trafficking
- Denial of
access to Humanitarian aids to the affected area
- Lack of
Socio economic development
OIC’S
STRATEGY OF ENGAGEMENT
According to UN, the Rohingya is one of the most
persecuted communities on earth. The OIC’s strategy through constructive
engagement and quiet diplomacy to address this situation encompasses four areas
of activity:
a.
Political
Advocacy;
b.
Humanitarian
Aid; and
c.
Civil
Society Engagement.
d.
Role of SE
a.
Political Advocacy
At the Political Level, the OIC has engaged directly with
the Myanmar authorities to restore the basic rights, including citizenship of
the Rohingya and to follow up on a 2013 agreement to construct medical
facilities for both Muslim and Buddhist communities. Although there have been
some efforts to stem the violence and enforce rule of law, the government has
been slow to respond to calls for dialogue on the Rohingya issue. After the
recent victory of the NLD government, the OIC Secretary General contacted the
new leadership in Myanmar to encourage a comprehensive resolution of the crises
facing the Rohingya. This led to a meeting with Aung Sang Suu Kyi during the
UNGA, in which the OIC is directly communicated to the State Counsellor and NLD
leader of the need for a solution. The Myanmar Government asked for more time
to push for reforms and identified the establishment of the Rakhine State
Commission headed by former UN Sec Gen Kofi Annan as a major step forward.
The OIC still urged the government to take concrete and meaningful steps
to resolve the Rohingya crises.
In order to maintain pressure on the authorities, the OIC
Secretary General has actively raised the case of the Rohingya during bilateral
engagements with Member States and world leaders. From 2012 to 2015, successful
cooperation and coordination by the OIC offices in Geneva and New York have
resulted in the adoption of resolutions on Myanmar in the UN.
The OIC has effectively cooperated with the international
community to raise the Rohingya case to the UN Human Rights Council. The United
Nations General Assembly Resolution 69/248, United Nations Human Rights Council
Resolution A/HRC/28/L.21, and the recent report and recommendations of the
United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar.
Since the 2015 election of the NLD government serious
challenges have surfaced because of the withdrawal of EU and US pressure on the
government of Myanmar. Previously international sanctions and political
pressure were sustained by a broad coalition of powers. Now because of
the reputation of Nobel Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
the European and US have agreed to give her time in her transition
towards democracy and are not strongly critical of her lack of real effort
to resolve the Rohingya issue. She has also been able to distract the
international community by engaging in peace talks and ceasefire with other
armed rebel groups such as the Shan, Karen and Chin. Therefore most of the
international community has withdrawn sanctions against Myanmar.
ASEAN countries meanwhile have
always been reluctant to go public with any statements against the Myanmar
government. However, those OIC members, Malaysia, Indonesia and Brunei have
been willing to provide humanitarian support and assistance.
b.
Humanitarian Aid
With regards to Humanitarian
Aid, OIC Member Countries have provided
humanitarian assistance for the Rohingya. Among the countries:
·
Indonesia, Malaysia and
Pakistan : $5 Million in food aid;
·
Qatar : $20 Million;
·
Saudi Arabia: $25 Million;
and
·
Turkey: $12Million
The Myanmar government has allowed some of these aids to
be distributed on a case-by-case basis. However, there are difficulties in
access on the ground. OIC member states like Malaysia are using its own NGOs
such as Mercy Malaysia, which have been able to penetrate into Rakhine state.
Nevertheless, a large portion of the international aid money allocated to the
Rohingya has yet to be disbursed.
Malaysia
and Indonesia have also taken in large numbers of Rohingya refugees and
provided for their shelter, this is in addition to the many thousands of
Rohingya and other Burmese nationals who have previously been living and
working in the country.
c.
Civil Society Engagement
On the level of Civil Society, the OIC has been
working to bring together Rohingya organizations and encouraging them to unify
their ranks for more effective advocacy of their cause. They successfully
brought together more than 60 separate organisations to establish the Arakan
Rohingya Union (ARU) which could advocate for the Rohingya cause in
international fora.
d.
The
Appointment of Special Envoy
In 2014, OIC SG Iyad Amin Madani appointed me as the Special Envoy for
Myanmar. I was tasked to advance the OIC’s quiet diplomacy efforts with the
concerned parties in Myanmar, in the region and international stakeholders to
bring about peaceful coexistence and restore inter-communal harmony through
dialogue and a comprehensive reconciliation process.
I also have a mandate to set policy
directions and design workable plans to facilitate activities under Track 1 and
2. I advise the OIC SG on all matters regarding the development in Myanmar
relating to Rohingya and represent the OIC in regional and international fora
that deal with the issue. Besides that, I am also the focal point for
coordinating, integrating and evaluating the efforts by all parties including
activities under the Track 1.5 entities.
The role of SE is important in all
tracks (1, 2 and 1.5) in promoting diplomatic efforts, peace and restoring
harmony, especially among non-Muslims and Muslims in Myanmar through
constructive engagement, dialogues and confidence building measures.
Since September 2014, I made
several working visits to Myanmar, Thailand and the United States to engage
with political leaderships and advocate for the Rohingya cause. I continued to
pursue the political contacts with the authorities to explain the need of
having an inclusive policy to change the situation in Myanmar.
We managed to
carry out several humanitarian and educational aids in Rakhine and Malaysia in
2015 and 2016. This is done in collaboration with the OIC Humanitarian
Department and the Islamic Solidarity Fund (ISF). The humanitarian aids are
extended to the Muslims and Buddhists.
I have also organized several workshops to bring together
Rohingya and civil society leaders from different religious background from
Myanmar and across the ASEAN region as part of its confidence building measure
to develop trust, understanding and goodwill.
Distinguished guests,
The OIC and the Muslim countries should support the call
for the following actions:
u
The
Rohingya crisis is drawing global attention. Muslim countries, countries of
transit, destination countries, civil society and human rights advocates must
be united in pressuring Myanmar to treat the Rohingya equally and to ensure
basic human rights. Whatever actions that the NLD Government plans to take must
be in accordance to the international law. It is time that, humanitarian aid
should be allowed to reach the population in Rakhine state, including the
Rohingya.
u
Pursuant
to this, it is the responsibility of the Myanmar Government to uphold its
responsibility to protect all population. The NLD Government should end
institutionalized discrimination against the Rohingya, including restoring the
status and citizenship rights. The Government should take action against hate
speeches and take action against whomever that commits abuses and human rights
violation.
u
The
state Government of Rakhine must take action to facilitate the return of IDP’s
to their home. The NLD Government must stop the demolition of mosque and houses
belonging to Muslims and Rohingya community.
u
To date,
the Ma Ba Tha has proven itself to be an adaptive organization. It learnt from
the mistakes of the 969 and is continually evolving and professionalizing its
messaging, activities, and narrative dissemination of hate and violence. Today,
the Ma Ba Tha has built a strong foundation of highly active and motivated
monks who oversee a vast network of ground activities and partnerships, as well
as a powerful communications and lobbying apparatus, all with proven results.
The Ma Ba Tha is likely to continue to retain a significant base of support
because its messaging endorses a range of anti-Muslim prejudices that resonate
in the broader Burmese society. Much of what is considered ‘ultra-nationalist’
in the international media is closer to ‘center-right’ in Myanmar, and core Ma
Ba Tha issues such as the denial of rights for the Rohingya, enjoy popular
mainstream support. No electoral outcome or new government can easily change
these deep-rooted prejudices, but it is possible to better understand their
core themes and develop better counter-messaging and early warning strategies.
u Finally,
the high level advisory commission should investigate the systematic
persecution of Rohingya or allow an international independent investigation to
be formed for this purpose.
Thank you.
